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Russia under the old regime by Richard Pipes

By Richard Pipes

This research analyzes the evolution of the Russian nation from the ninth century to the Eighties, and its targeted position in coping with Russian society. the improvement of Russia used to be assorted from that of the remainder of Europe. The usual poverty of geographical stipulations made it tremendous tricky to build a good regime, and a "patrimonial" country arose within which the rustic used to be conceived because the own estate of the tsar. The booklet describes the evolution of this regime, and analyzes the political behaviour of the central social groupings, peasantry, the Aristocracy, bourgeoisie and clergy, and debts for his or her failure to face as much as the expanding absolutism of the tsar. basically the intelligentsia have been in a position to make any such stand, and the e-book exhibits how in countering this problem, Russia constructed right into a bureaucratic police nation.

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Lenin, for his part, occupied an uneasy and complex position between these two extremes. He was neither for a workers' government with socialist objectives, nor for bourgeois leadership of the antiautocratic revolution. 3 He was therefore flatly opposed to the Parvus/Trotsky line of permanent revolution. The Russian revolution, he insisted, would not and should not proceed without interruption from its democratic to its socialist phase. He none the less agreed with them that, in the peculiar circumstances of Russia, the democratic revolution could only be The Revolution of 1905 43 brought to a successful conclusion under the leadership of the industrial workers (or proletariat).

They had long emancipated themselves from personal bondage to a particular landlord or usurer, and had escaped the authority of village elders and the Church. They were better educated and had begun to feel the potential strength of their concentrated numbers. They were, finally, concentrated in the most strategically vital towns and cities, particularly the twin capitals, Moscow and St Petersburg. For all these reasons the urban proletariat was 'the sole and natural representative of Russia's entire working and exploited population' (Lenin, 1960-70, vol.

It may appear paradoxical that nationalisation appears here as part of the programme for the democratic revolution, which Lenin insisted ought not to pursue socialist goals. In fact, to orthodox Marxists, the nationalisation of land was part of the so-called 'minimum programme', that is, those economic and political demands whose implementation was compatible with the maintenance of capitalist economic relations. In the case of the nationalisation of land they could point to Marx himself. In Capital, Marx had shown how private ownership of land was one of the large impediments to the growth of capitalism in agriculture.

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